The October Revolution was the event whereby the Bolshevik Party, using Revolutionary units of the Army and the Red Guards, or bands of Armed Workers, overthrew the stagnant Provisional Government of Aleksandr Kerensky and Miliukov, which had kept Russia in a bloody war that the people did not want and that had cost Russia millions of lives, despite the abdication of the Tyrannical Tsar Nicholas II. The fact that the Provisonal Government kept Russia in the war, combined with the fact that it arrested Revolutionary activists and machine-gunned peaceful protests, proved that this was no Democratic Government, and nor did it have the interests of the people at heart. It was a government dominated by landowners, Bourgeois industrialists, and aristocrats over whom the spector of Tsarism still hung heavily: if the Provisional Government had remained it was likely that Tsarism and all its tyrannies would return to the vast territory of the Russian Empire.
On 7th November, 25 October by the Old Russian Calander, the Bolsheviks overthrew this regime. It was not an unpopular coup d'etat, as some have claimed, but a true Revolution, right down to the fact that it was supported and carried out by the bands of Armed Workers and Armed Peasants themselves. But this was so much more than the simple overthrow of the Provisional Government: with the Provisional Government gone and the Bolsheviks, under Lenin and Trotsky, in power, the Great Imperialist War that was raging across the world had finally taken with it the very thing that brought it into the War: the Russian Revolution of October 1917 represented the first and strongest Hammer Blow against the old, established order in Europe and the World. With the October Revolution, the peasants rose up against their landowners and seized the land for themselves, the workers rose up, and they put the power in the bodies of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, dominated by the Bolsheviks. With the October Revolution, the first Worker's and Peasant's Republic in history was established, and the floodgates seemed to be open. It seemed only a small step for this Revolution to spread to Germany, and Revolution in Germany, as the Industrial and Social-Democratic Centre, would spread Revolution throughout Europe, and from there throughout the world. The entire established order seemed to be threatened not by the war, but by the Revolution that the war had brought with it. After so much planning! So many years of struggle and strife andhardship, this was it! This was the moment! The true Proletarian Revolution! What an achievement Lenin and Trotsky had engineered and carried through! What bravery, courage, and sense of justice had gripped the Russian people, the Worker, the Peasant, and the Soldier to finally shove their submissiveness aside and overthrow the tyranny of Tsarism-Capitalism in this way! What a glorious Revolution! And those slanderers, those Bourgeois lackeys and ruling Class pigs, had said it was impossible! They had said it would never work! They had said it would be anarchy ad chaos! "There is no alternative!" they had shouted so eagerly. Well, now look, the Revolution had happened! The people were in control, and the people's Party, the Bolsheviks, were in power!
And it is in this spirit that today's Proletariat and today's Peasantry must advance! The Revolutionaries, the great flag-bearers and Commissars of Marxism-Leninism, must never give up the cause, never lose faith, never slacken or fall, and if they suffer a blow, if they are knocked down, then they must get straight back up and hit back ten times as hard!
And the Proletariat and the Peasantry must follow these great Revolutionaries, look for them for guidance and instruction and direction, and take matters into their own hands! They must make their own will felt and, more important, the Masses must make their ultimate strength and power known to those who would try to oppress them!
So, people, in the spirit of October, forward, Proletarian Soldier, to Revolution!
Our Comrade
Monday, 10 June 2013
Friday, 24 May 2013
Marxism-Leninism and extract from my book
Marxism-Leninism is the true cause of the Proletariat. Comrade Karl Marx and Comrade Freidrick Engels formulated it: the violent Revolution of the Proletariat on the collapse of Capitalism, the original theories of the dictatorship of the Proletariat, the greatest definitions of the historical process, of Capitalist economics in history, and of what to put in its place, as well as much, much more. These were the two greatest men who have ever lived: unparalleled by any other. And it was Comrade Lenin, decades later, who advanced Marxism further than anyone else. Lenin advanced Marxism not only into his own time, but formulated it in a way that it would be accurate and true even over 150 years later. The assessments of Marx and Engels of the world are still absolutely true today, but today, unlike in Lenin’s time, they need their Leninist element to survive, to be practical, and to rally the Proletariat in the modern world. Comrades like Luxemburg, Liebknecht, Plekhanov, Stalin, (I will even say Trotsky, which I know will be controversial), and even ex-Marxists like Kautsky advanced Marxism, some more than others, but none has advanced the Marxist ideal, none has gained it more experience, none has contributed to its theory and its practical experience, and none has been so dedicated to it, than Comrade Lenin, either before or since his time. Un-Leninist Marxism is no longer Marxism and no longer credible as Communism; if it ever was in the first place. Marxism-Leninism is the true cause of the Proletariat and of the people.
Here is a extract from my book "Volginn":
" And even worse was those that had seen partial enlightenment, those who had seen part of the truth, such as “pure” Marxists who were against Leninism, such as “anti-Marxist Socialists” or “anti-Leninist Marxists” who, because they had seen part of the truth, were both more intelligent than the Capitalists and more stupid than them, because they made up their own terrible interpretations of the truth! What dregs! What fools! What idiots such people are! But worse, they are an active threat! People could be influenced not by those who knew the full truth, not by those who knew the real truth (the Marxist-Leninists), but by these deluded and idiotic dregs with their pseudo-philosophical drivel and their post-ideology liberalized rubbish! One should hear the shit they blurt out about anti-factionalism and freedom of expression. As if they knew the first thing about freedom of expression! The cheek, the sheer nerve they had to even try and debate such a topic in their position! They were the worst enemies of the Revolution; hiding behind a mask of Communist loyalty and Marxist traditionalism, of pro-Revolutionism, whereas they were, in fact, delaying the Revolutionary cause, sparking off infighting, arguing over irrelevant and unimportant topics, attacking Marxism-Leninism: they were thus sabotaging the true cause of the people, the true cause of the Revolution: Marxism-Leninism! Sabotaging the true Revolutionaries! Sabotaging the true servers of the people! They were, then (if, admittedly, often unconsciously) active and dangerous agents of the Bourgeoisie, and they must thus be treated with as much hatred and as little mercy as the true Revolutionaries treated the Bourgeoisie themselves. And for this he and those who supported him were accused of being against freedom of expression and freedom of opinion; “he doesn’t agree with you, so he must be a Bourgeois agent, is that it?” or “he doesn’t share the opinions of Marxist-Leninists so, despite his Marxism, despite his Revolutionism, he is a Counterrevolutionary, right?” Balderdash! Utter rubbish! These people simply did not understand the cause of the Revolution, they were living in a dream world! As if the politics of them could possibly be applied to today without Leninism! What dregs! They just did not understand! The most dangerous enemies of the Revolution were those who claimed to serve it while being against the ultimate cause. Utter fools and Counterrevolutionaries! They must be fought against with vigour!"
Here is a extract from my book "Volginn":
" And even worse was those that had seen partial enlightenment, those who had seen part of the truth, such as “pure” Marxists who were against Leninism, such as “anti-Marxist Socialists” or “anti-Leninist Marxists” who, because they had seen part of the truth, were both more intelligent than the Capitalists and more stupid than them, because they made up their own terrible interpretations of the truth! What dregs! What fools! What idiots such people are! But worse, they are an active threat! People could be influenced not by those who knew the full truth, not by those who knew the real truth (the Marxist-Leninists), but by these deluded and idiotic dregs with their pseudo-philosophical drivel and their post-ideology liberalized rubbish! One should hear the shit they blurt out about anti-factionalism and freedom of expression. As if they knew the first thing about freedom of expression! The cheek, the sheer nerve they had to even try and debate such a topic in their position! They were the worst enemies of the Revolution; hiding behind a mask of Communist loyalty and Marxist traditionalism, of pro-Revolutionism, whereas they were, in fact, delaying the Revolutionary cause, sparking off infighting, arguing over irrelevant and unimportant topics, attacking Marxism-Leninism: they were thus sabotaging the true cause of the people, the true cause of the Revolution: Marxism-Leninism! Sabotaging the true Revolutionaries! Sabotaging the true servers of the people! They were, then (if, admittedly, often unconsciously) active and dangerous agents of the Bourgeoisie, and they must thus be treated with as much hatred and as little mercy as the true Revolutionaries treated the Bourgeoisie themselves. And for this he and those who supported him were accused of being against freedom of expression and freedom of opinion; “he doesn’t agree with you, so he must be a Bourgeois agent, is that it?” or “he doesn’t share the opinions of Marxist-Leninists so, despite his Marxism, despite his Revolutionism, he is a Counterrevolutionary, right?” Balderdash! Utter rubbish! These people simply did not understand the cause of the Revolution, they were living in a dream world! As if the politics of them could possibly be applied to today without Leninism! What dregs! They just did not understand! The most dangerous enemies of the Revolution were those who claimed to serve it while being against the ultimate cause. Utter fools and Counterrevolutionaries! They must be fought against with vigour!"
Thursday, 16 May 2013
To Moralists
To all you Bourgeois moralists out there:
Revolutionary change inevitably brings casualties! They are necessary!
Seriously, Terror, Civil War, utter cleansing of all elements of Class, the
Revolutionary transformation of the legal system, and the uprooting of the old
established society, this will bring casualties! Hundreds of thousands,
millions, maybe tens of millions will have to die! It is necessary! A
Revolution cannot be made without blood! And not just a little blood, but
rivers, oceans of blood! And it is necessary! You see, there is a fundamental
difference between casualties caused by Capitalistic Imperialism and those
caused by Revolutionary Change: Capitalist Imperialism kills off millions of
people because it wants access to oil, or because it finds it advantageous to
have a military base in the area, or because the leader of a certain nation
does not obey the West, or simply because it wants to close a deal. Essentially,
it kills off millions of people for profit and for money. We may have to sacrifice
large numbers of people too, but here is the difference: we, unlike most who
use this claim, really do carry this out FOR THE GOOD OF THE HUMAN RACE AND A
BRILLIANT FUTURE! Capitalism cannot bring this, we can. But people will have to
be sacrificed, great numbers of people will have to die. But to die so that the
people may own everything, so that the tyranny of money is abolished, so that
exploitation is abolished, so that all war may end, so that all across the
world will be treated equally and well; surely this is a better cause to die
for than a few tons of oil, or a military base, or the ‘National Interest’.
Never trade humanity for patriotism! Some of the most barbarous, horrid acts of
torture and massacre in history have been carried out for profit and in the
name of patriotism. To die for liberation is better than to die for oppression!
Some people will have to die, and it is tragic and we will mourn the victims of
our Revolution greatly; but it is necessary! It has to happen! How many people
have to die we do not know, hopefully it is comparatively few, and we will do
all we can to minimize casualties; but some will have to die! Revolutionary
change brings casualties, that is necessary, and, unlike for Capitalism, they
are truly dying for a noble cause. Casualties and Terror are necessary; but by
their method Terror and War will be abolished. Remember, to abolish Terror it
is necessary to use methods of Terror, and to abolish war it is necessary to
take up the gun yourself!
Wednesday, 6 March 2013
Chavez
Companero Presidente Hugo Chavez is dead. He cut Venezuela's poverty level in half, stood up to the U.S.A, U.K and other Imperialist Western Nations, improved life for so many and was simply one of the greatest leaders of this Century. He deserves to be remembered as the tremendous hero he was. Rest In Peace Companero Presidente Hugo Chavez.
Tuesday, 5 March 2013
Reform or Revolution - Rosa Luxemburg
Rosa Luxemburg
Reform or Revolution
Part One
Chapter IV
Capitalism and the State
The second condition of the gradual realisation of socialism is according to Bernstein, the evolution of the State in society. It has become a commonplace to say that the present State is a class State. This, too, like referring to capitalist society, should not be understood in a rigorous absolute manner, but dialectically.
The State became capitalist with the political victory of the bourgeoisie. Capitalist development modifies essentially the nature of the State, widening its sphere of action, constantly imposing on it new functions (especially those affecting economic life), making more and more necessary its intervention and control in society. In this sense, capitalist development prepares little by little the future fusion of the State to society. It prepares, so to say, the return of the function of the state to society. Following this line of thought, one can speak of an evolution of the capitalist State into society, and it is undoubtedly what Marx had in mind when he referred to labour legislation as the first conscious intervention of “society” in the vital social process, a phrase upon which Bernstein leans heavily.
But on the other hand the same capitalist development realises another transformation in the nature of the State. The present State is, first of all, an organisation of the ruling class. It assumes functions favouring social developments specifically because, and in the measure that, these interests and social developments coincide, in a general fashion, with the interests of the dominant class. Labour legislation is enacted as much in the immediate interest of the capitalist class as in the interest of society in general. But this harmony endures only up to a certain point of capitalist development. When capitalist development has reached a certain level, the interests of the bourgeoisie, as a class, and the needs of economic progress begin to clash even in the capitalist sense. We believe that this phase has already begun. It shows itself in two extremely important phenomena of contemporary social life: on the one hand, the policy of tariff barriers, and on the other, militarism. These two phenomena have played an indispensable, and in that sense a progressive and revolutionary role in the history of capitalism. Without tariff protection the development of large industry would have been impossible in several countries. But now the situation is different.
At present, protection does not serve so much to develop young industry as to maintain artificially certain aged forms of production.
From the angle of capitalist development, that is, from the point of view of world economy, it matters little whether Germany exports more merchandise into England or England exports more merchandise into Germany. From the viewpoint of this development it may be said that the blackamoor has done his work and it is time for him to go his way. Given the condition of reciprocal dependence in which the various branches of industry find themselves, a protectionist tariff on any commodity necessarily results in raising the cost of production of other commodities inside the country. It therefore impedes industrial development. But this is not so from the viewpoint of the interests of the capitalist class. While industry does not need tariff barriers for its development, the entrepreneurs need tariffs to protect their markets. This signifies that at present tariffs no longer serve as a means of protecting a developing capitalist section against a more advanced section. They are now the arm used by one national group of capitalists against another group. Furthermore, tariffs are no longer necessary as an instrument of protection for industry in its movement to create and conquer the home market. They are now indispensable means for the cartelisation of industry, that is, means used in the struggle of capitalist producers against consuming society in the aggregate. What brings out in an emphatic manner the specific character of contemporary customs policies is the fact that today not industry, but agriculture plays the predominant role in the making of tariffs. The policy of customs protection has become a tool for converting and expressing the feudal interests in capitalist form.
The same change has taken place in militarism. If we consider history as it was – not as it could have been or should have been – we must agree that war has been an indispensable feature of capitalist development. The United States, Germany, Italy, the Balkan States, Poland, all owe the condition or the rise of their capitalist development to wars, whether resulting in victory or defeat. As long as there were countries marked by internal political division or economic isolation which had to be destroyed, militarism played a revolutionary role, considered from the viewpoint of capitalism. But at present the situation is different. If world politics have become the stage of menacing conflicts, it is not so much a question of the opening of new countries to capitalism. It is a question of already existing European antagonisms, which, transported into other lands, have exploded there. The armed opponents we see today in Europe and on other continents do not range themselves as capitalist countries on one side and backward countries on the other. They are States pushed to war especially as a result of their similarly advanced capitalist development. In view of this, an explosion is certain to be fatal to this development, in the sense that it must provoke an extremely profound disturbance and transformation of economic life in all countries.
However, the matter appears entirely different when considered from the standpoint of the capitalist class. For the latter militarism has become indispensable. First, as a means of struggle for the defence of “national” interests in competition against other “national” groups. Second, as a method of placement for financial and industrial capital. Third, as an instrument of class domination over the labouring population inside the country. In themselves, these interests have nothing in common with the development of the capitalist mode of production. What demonstrates best the specific character of present day militarism is the fact that it develops generally in all countries as an effect, so to speak, of its own internal, mechanical, motive power, a phenomenon that was completely unknown several decades ago. We recognise this in the fatal character of the impending explosion which is inevitable in spite of the complete impending explosion which is inevitable in spite of the complete indecisiveness of the objectives and motives of the conflict. From a motor of capitalist development militarism has changed into a capitalist malady.
In the clash between capitalist development and the interest of the dominant class, the State takes a position alongside of the latter. Its policy, like that of the bourgeoisie, comes into conflict with social development. It thus loses more and more of its character as a representative of the whole of society and is transformed, at the same rate into a pure class state. Or, to speak more exactly, these two qualities distinguish themselves more from each other and find themselves in a contradictory relation in the very nature of the State. This contradiction becomes progressively sharper. For on one hand, we have the growth of the functions of a general interest on the part of the State, its intervention in social life, its “control” over society. But on the other hand, its class character obliges the State to move the pivot of its activity and its means of coercion more and more into domains which are useful only to the class character of the bourgeoisie and have for society as a whole only a negative importance, as in the case of militarism and tariff and colonial policies. Moreover, the “social control” exercised by this State is at the same time penetrated with and dominated by its class character (see how labour legislation is applied in all countries).
The extension of democracy, which Bernstein sees as a means of realising socialism by degrees, does not contradict but, on the contrary, corresponds perfectly to the transformation realised in the nature of the State.
Konrad Schmidt declares that the conquest of a social-democratic majority in Parliament leads directly to the gradual “socialisation” of society. Now, the democratic forms of political life are without a question a phenomenon expressing clearly the evolution of the State in society. They constitute, to that extent, a move toward a socialist transformation. But the conflict within the capitalist State, described above, manifests itself even more emphatically in modern parliamentarism. Indeed, in accordance with its form, parliamentarism serves to express, within the organisation of the State, the interests of the whole society. But what parliamentarism expresses here is capitalist society, that is to say, a society in which capitalist interests predominate. In this society, the representative institutions, democratic in form, are in content the instruments of the interests of the ruling class. This manifests itself in a tangible fashion in the fact that as soon as democracy shows the tendency to negate its class character and become transformed into an instrument of the real interests of the population, the democratic forms are sacrificed by the bourgeoisie, and by its State representatives. That is why the idea of the conquest of a parliamentary reformist majority is a calculation which, entirely in the spirit of bourgeois liberalism, pre-occupies itself only with one side – the formal side – of democracy, but does not take into account the other side, its real content. All in all, parliamentarism is not a directly socialist element impregnating gradually the whole capitalist society. It is, on the contrary, a specific form of the bourgeois class State, helping to ripen and develop the existing antagonisms of capitalism.
In the light of the history of the objective development of the State, Bernstein’s and Konrad Schmidt’s belief that increased “social control” results in the direct introduction of socialism is transformed into a formula that finds itself from day to day in greater contradiction with reality.
The theory of the gradual introduction of socialism proposes progressive reform of capitalist property and the capitalist State in the direction of socialism. But in consequence of the objective laws of existing society, one and the other develop in a precisely opposite direction. The process of production is increasingly socialised, and State intervention, the control of the State over the process of production, is extended. But at the same time, private property becomes more and more the form of open capitalist exploitation of the labour of others, and State control is penetrated with the exclusive interests of the ruling class. The State, that is to say the political organisation of capitalism, and the property relations, that is to say the juridical organisation of capitalism, become more capitalist and not more socialist, opposing to the theory of the progressive introduction of socialism two insurmountable difficulties.
Fourier’s scheme of changing, by means of a system of phalansteries, the water of all the seas into tasty lemonade was surely a fantastic idea. But Bernstein, proposing to change the sea of capitalist bitterness into a sea of socialist sweetness, by progressively pouring into it bottles of social reformist lemonade, presents an idea that is merely more insipid but no less fantastic.
The production relations of capitalist society approach more and more the production relations of socialist society. But on the other hand, its political and juridical relations established between capitalist society and socialist society a steadily rising wall. This wall is not overthrown, but is on the contrary strengthened and consolidated by the development of social reforms and the course of democracy. Only the hammer blow of revolution, that is to day, the conquest of political power by the proletariat can break down this wall.
Reform or Revolution
Part One
Chapter IV
Capitalism and the State
The second condition of the gradual realisation of socialism is according to Bernstein, the evolution of the State in society. It has become a commonplace to say that the present State is a class State. This, too, like referring to capitalist society, should not be understood in a rigorous absolute manner, but dialectically.
The State became capitalist with the political victory of the bourgeoisie. Capitalist development modifies essentially the nature of the State, widening its sphere of action, constantly imposing on it new functions (especially those affecting economic life), making more and more necessary its intervention and control in society. In this sense, capitalist development prepares little by little the future fusion of the State to society. It prepares, so to say, the return of the function of the state to society. Following this line of thought, one can speak of an evolution of the capitalist State into society, and it is undoubtedly what Marx had in mind when he referred to labour legislation as the first conscious intervention of “society” in the vital social process, a phrase upon which Bernstein leans heavily.
But on the other hand the same capitalist development realises another transformation in the nature of the State. The present State is, first of all, an organisation of the ruling class. It assumes functions favouring social developments specifically because, and in the measure that, these interests and social developments coincide, in a general fashion, with the interests of the dominant class. Labour legislation is enacted as much in the immediate interest of the capitalist class as in the interest of society in general. But this harmony endures only up to a certain point of capitalist development. When capitalist development has reached a certain level, the interests of the bourgeoisie, as a class, and the needs of economic progress begin to clash even in the capitalist sense. We believe that this phase has already begun. It shows itself in two extremely important phenomena of contemporary social life: on the one hand, the policy of tariff barriers, and on the other, militarism. These two phenomena have played an indispensable, and in that sense a progressive and revolutionary role in the history of capitalism. Without tariff protection the development of large industry would have been impossible in several countries. But now the situation is different.
At present, protection does not serve so much to develop young industry as to maintain artificially certain aged forms of production.
From the angle of capitalist development, that is, from the point of view of world economy, it matters little whether Germany exports more merchandise into England or England exports more merchandise into Germany. From the viewpoint of this development it may be said that the blackamoor has done his work and it is time for him to go his way. Given the condition of reciprocal dependence in which the various branches of industry find themselves, a protectionist tariff on any commodity necessarily results in raising the cost of production of other commodities inside the country. It therefore impedes industrial development. But this is not so from the viewpoint of the interests of the capitalist class. While industry does not need tariff barriers for its development, the entrepreneurs need tariffs to protect their markets. This signifies that at present tariffs no longer serve as a means of protecting a developing capitalist section against a more advanced section. They are now the arm used by one national group of capitalists against another group. Furthermore, tariffs are no longer necessary as an instrument of protection for industry in its movement to create and conquer the home market. They are now indispensable means for the cartelisation of industry, that is, means used in the struggle of capitalist producers against consuming society in the aggregate. What brings out in an emphatic manner the specific character of contemporary customs policies is the fact that today not industry, but agriculture plays the predominant role in the making of tariffs. The policy of customs protection has become a tool for converting and expressing the feudal interests in capitalist form.
The same change has taken place in militarism. If we consider history as it was – not as it could have been or should have been – we must agree that war has been an indispensable feature of capitalist development. The United States, Germany, Italy, the Balkan States, Poland, all owe the condition or the rise of their capitalist development to wars, whether resulting in victory or defeat. As long as there were countries marked by internal political division or economic isolation which had to be destroyed, militarism played a revolutionary role, considered from the viewpoint of capitalism. But at present the situation is different. If world politics have become the stage of menacing conflicts, it is not so much a question of the opening of new countries to capitalism. It is a question of already existing European antagonisms, which, transported into other lands, have exploded there. The armed opponents we see today in Europe and on other continents do not range themselves as capitalist countries on one side and backward countries on the other. They are States pushed to war especially as a result of their similarly advanced capitalist development. In view of this, an explosion is certain to be fatal to this development, in the sense that it must provoke an extremely profound disturbance and transformation of economic life in all countries.
However, the matter appears entirely different when considered from the standpoint of the capitalist class. For the latter militarism has become indispensable. First, as a means of struggle for the defence of “national” interests in competition against other “national” groups. Second, as a method of placement for financial and industrial capital. Third, as an instrument of class domination over the labouring population inside the country. In themselves, these interests have nothing in common with the development of the capitalist mode of production. What demonstrates best the specific character of present day militarism is the fact that it develops generally in all countries as an effect, so to speak, of its own internal, mechanical, motive power, a phenomenon that was completely unknown several decades ago. We recognise this in the fatal character of the impending explosion which is inevitable in spite of the complete impending explosion which is inevitable in spite of the complete indecisiveness of the objectives and motives of the conflict. From a motor of capitalist development militarism has changed into a capitalist malady.
In the clash between capitalist development and the interest of the dominant class, the State takes a position alongside of the latter. Its policy, like that of the bourgeoisie, comes into conflict with social development. It thus loses more and more of its character as a representative of the whole of society and is transformed, at the same rate into a pure class state. Or, to speak more exactly, these two qualities distinguish themselves more from each other and find themselves in a contradictory relation in the very nature of the State. This contradiction becomes progressively sharper. For on one hand, we have the growth of the functions of a general interest on the part of the State, its intervention in social life, its “control” over society. But on the other hand, its class character obliges the State to move the pivot of its activity and its means of coercion more and more into domains which are useful only to the class character of the bourgeoisie and have for society as a whole only a negative importance, as in the case of militarism and tariff and colonial policies. Moreover, the “social control” exercised by this State is at the same time penetrated with and dominated by its class character (see how labour legislation is applied in all countries).
The extension of democracy, which Bernstein sees as a means of realising socialism by degrees, does not contradict but, on the contrary, corresponds perfectly to the transformation realised in the nature of the State.
Konrad Schmidt declares that the conquest of a social-democratic majority in Parliament leads directly to the gradual “socialisation” of society. Now, the democratic forms of political life are without a question a phenomenon expressing clearly the evolution of the State in society. They constitute, to that extent, a move toward a socialist transformation. But the conflict within the capitalist State, described above, manifests itself even more emphatically in modern parliamentarism. Indeed, in accordance with its form, parliamentarism serves to express, within the organisation of the State, the interests of the whole society. But what parliamentarism expresses here is capitalist society, that is to say, a society in which capitalist interests predominate. In this society, the representative institutions, democratic in form, are in content the instruments of the interests of the ruling class. This manifests itself in a tangible fashion in the fact that as soon as democracy shows the tendency to negate its class character and become transformed into an instrument of the real interests of the population, the democratic forms are sacrificed by the bourgeoisie, and by its State representatives. That is why the idea of the conquest of a parliamentary reformist majority is a calculation which, entirely in the spirit of bourgeois liberalism, pre-occupies itself only with one side – the formal side – of democracy, but does not take into account the other side, its real content. All in all, parliamentarism is not a directly socialist element impregnating gradually the whole capitalist society. It is, on the contrary, a specific form of the bourgeois class State, helping to ripen and develop the existing antagonisms of capitalism.
In the light of the history of the objective development of the State, Bernstein’s and Konrad Schmidt’s belief that increased “social control” results in the direct introduction of socialism is transformed into a formula that finds itself from day to day in greater contradiction with reality.
The theory of the gradual introduction of socialism proposes progressive reform of capitalist property and the capitalist State in the direction of socialism. But in consequence of the objective laws of existing society, one and the other develop in a precisely opposite direction. The process of production is increasingly socialised, and State intervention, the control of the State over the process of production, is extended. But at the same time, private property becomes more and more the form of open capitalist exploitation of the labour of others, and State control is penetrated with the exclusive interests of the ruling class. The State, that is to say the political organisation of capitalism, and the property relations, that is to say the juridical organisation of capitalism, become more capitalist and not more socialist, opposing to the theory of the progressive introduction of socialism two insurmountable difficulties.
Fourier’s scheme of changing, by means of a system of phalansteries, the water of all the seas into tasty lemonade was surely a fantastic idea. But Bernstein, proposing to change the sea of capitalist bitterness into a sea of socialist sweetness, by progressively pouring into it bottles of social reformist lemonade, presents an idea that is merely more insipid but no less fantastic.
The production relations of capitalist society approach more and more the production relations of socialist society. But on the other hand, its political and juridical relations established between capitalist society and socialist society a steadily rising wall. This wall is not overthrown, but is on the contrary strengthened and consolidated by the development of social reforms and the course of democracy. Only the hammer blow of revolution, that is to day, the conquest of political power by the proletariat can break down this wall.
Saturday, 2 March 2013
Stand to Arms!
We must stand at Arms! I have had enough of all their bullshit! Enough of their bullshit social codes! Enough of their class and social structure! I have had enough of their mainstream media feeding us a combination of unimportant rubbish and indoctrinated lies! I have had enough of their laws that have no purpose but to restrain us! I have had enough of their morals, which are simply devised to stop us doing what is necessary to achieve change! I have had enough of their films, glorifying people like the Special Forces who are responsible for the deaths of thousands of innocent people around the globe! I have had enough of their condescending intellectuals who argue with great intelligence and great elegence an argument that is not only wrong, but dangers and Fascist! I have had enough of them pushing technology on us: upload, download, watch, play, chat, laugh, jerk off, be idiotic! NO! I have had enough of it! But most of all I have had enough of them making us think we are free! NO! We are not free! "You know what, next week I'm gonna vote for...wait...is it on? Oh my God, we're gonna miss it! Thank God we're free." Grow up. Go to school. Learn what we tell you. Accept what we tell you. Obey the rules. Get a job. Pay tax. Don't mix with them. Go mix with them. Eat. Drink. Smoke. Oh, you don't like the way things are going? DOn't worry, it is all immigrants' fault; blame them, rant and march against them, fund our war to rape their land and kill off their people. That is not freedom. Freedom is the freedom to say what you know is right is right, the freedom to say it in public, and the freedom for YOU to determine what is right, and to question whether what they tell you is right, or just more bullshit. I have had enough of their rubbish! It is time for change! Stand to Arms Comrades! Protest, sing, wave your Red Banners! Stand to Arms Comrades!
Friday, 1 March 2013
Revolution is Inevitable!
Comrades, we all must admit that Revolution is inevitable. You see the current system, Capitalism, exists solely and only to keep itself going; the purpose of it is to continue the circulation of Capital not, as some may believe, to enrich those who have the means to enrich themselves. No, the purpose of Capitalism is to keep itself going by continuing the circulation of Capital, enriching those who generate the profit which becomes Capital.
This is rather ironic; since the purpose of Capitalism is to keep itself going, it seems starnge that it will inevitably collapse, doesn't it? But it will inevitably collapse; you see the economic process of Capitalism causes crisis after crisis as the market fluctuates, increases and decreases. These crises happen around every 7 to 10 years, and each time they get worse and worse. Why do they get worse each time? Because of the way the Capitalists deal with them. You see the Capitalists think in terms of short term profit and stabilizing the immediate economic situation, rather than benefit in the long run. They do this two ways: the first is by destroying large portions of the existing productive forces, losing the people jobs and often destroying large sections of themselves. The second is by creating and conquering new markets; making new products and new reasons for selling them, as well as selling them in different places etc. These measures simply pave the way for worse and more inevitable crises in the future. They also pave the way for disasters; wars for economic reasons, neo-colonialism, fascism, puppet governments, funding terrorism, installing and supplying dictators, etc. all created because of the Capitalist economic, social and political systems.
These things continue to make the world inevitably and constantly worse, and the people form justified rage. Everything gets worse and, eventually, probably when the natural resources run out, Capitalism will reach its final and most devestating crisis. Wars for the last scraps of resources will break out and all governments will seriously and brutally oppress and try to brainwash their populations, and terrify them into acceptance and submission. The entire world would descend into a state rather like Orwellian Oceania.
And as the beast is dying, as Capitalism lies dying and oppresses and murders and wars to save itself the people will decide they have had enough. We are already close to it; the people's rage is coming out onto the surface with things like the Arab Spring, Occupy, Anonymous, as well as the growing support for radicals on both sides. Soon full Revolution will errupt against not specific things or single governments but the entire global system. World Revolution, once thought an impractical pipe dream, is now probably more likely than Revolution in just one country. As Comrade Chairman Mao said: "There must be destruction before there can be construction" meaning we must absolutely destroy Capitalism before building toward the Anarcho-Communist ideal. This will mean sacrifice, bloodshed and, I am sorry to say, some degree of terror but, at the end of it, the people, all people, will be truly and absolutely free.
If it is done correctly, of course; if not Capitalism could re-establish itself in a different guise. Or something completely worse could establish itself. Thus we must learn the lessons of history, we must learn from what our predecessors have done, right and wrong, and this time, God-Damn it, we must get it right!!!
This is rather ironic; since the purpose of Capitalism is to keep itself going, it seems starnge that it will inevitably collapse, doesn't it? But it will inevitably collapse; you see the economic process of Capitalism causes crisis after crisis as the market fluctuates, increases and decreases. These crises happen around every 7 to 10 years, and each time they get worse and worse. Why do they get worse each time? Because of the way the Capitalists deal with them. You see the Capitalists think in terms of short term profit and stabilizing the immediate economic situation, rather than benefit in the long run. They do this two ways: the first is by destroying large portions of the existing productive forces, losing the people jobs and often destroying large sections of themselves. The second is by creating and conquering new markets; making new products and new reasons for selling them, as well as selling them in different places etc. These measures simply pave the way for worse and more inevitable crises in the future. They also pave the way for disasters; wars for economic reasons, neo-colonialism, fascism, puppet governments, funding terrorism, installing and supplying dictators, etc. all created because of the Capitalist economic, social and political systems.
These things continue to make the world inevitably and constantly worse, and the people form justified rage. Everything gets worse and, eventually, probably when the natural resources run out, Capitalism will reach its final and most devestating crisis. Wars for the last scraps of resources will break out and all governments will seriously and brutally oppress and try to brainwash their populations, and terrify them into acceptance and submission. The entire world would descend into a state rather like Orwellian Oceania.
And as the beast is dying, as Capitalism lies dying and oppresses and murders and wars to save itself the people will decide they have had enough. We are already close to it; the people's rage is coming out onto the surface with things like the Arab Spring, Occupy, Anonymous, as well as the growing support for radicals on both sides. Soon full Revolution will errupt against not specific things or single governments but the entire global system. World Revolution, once thought an impractical pipe dream, is now probably more likely than Revolution in just one country. As Comrade Chairman Mao said: "There must be destruction before there can be construction" meaning we must absolutely destroy Capitalism before building toward the Anarcho-Communist ideal. This will mean sacrifice, bloodshed and, I am sorry to say, some degree of terror but, at the end of it, the people, all people, will be truly and absolutely free.
If it is done correctly, of course; if not Capitalism could re-establish itself in a different guise. Or something completely worse could establish itself. Thus we must learn the lessons of history, we must learn from what our predecessors have done, right and wrong, and this time, God-Damn it, we must get it right!!!
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